Previous studies focus on transnational appeal and visual and aural qualities. This article focuses on “digital fandom practices.” The articles holistic approach draws on Appadurai’s 91996) “disjunctive ‘ethnoscape, technoscape,’ and mediascape’ of globalization” (2251).
Transcultural fandom is the means by which Latin American fans of K-pop develop their fan identity and fans become “cultural emissaries” and enact a fan activism. The ties between Latin America and South Korea comes from historical ties dating back to the 1900s, the increase in Korean migration, and the development of Korean business opportunities and part of cultural diplomacy that also includes the use of various distribution platforms. The digital plays a significant role in K-pop fan activities in Latin America, made unique by the investment in the Korean cultural context of K-pop, adapting “to new cultural practices to recognize and validate themselves as transcultural fans” (2259). Moreover, K-pop occasionally emerges in the mainstream culture and makes use of officially recognized distribution channels and media.
]]>K-pop is a subculture and through digital means, develops into a transcultural fandom that results in its incorporation into Latin American mass culture. By providing a critical examination of “K-pop fan activism,” the article examines the transcultural nature of K-pop fandom, providing a “more holistic approach to the study of the Korean Wave.” It also goes beyond the reception of K-pop in East Asia to focus on Latin America. The article uses interviews, surveys and fan blogs to analyze K-pop fandom in Latin America.
Previous studies focus on transnational appeal and visual and aural qualities. This article focuses on “digital fandom practices.” The articles holistic approach draws on Appadurai’s 91996) “disjunctive ‘ethnoscape, technoscape,’ and mediascape’ of globalization” (2251).
Transcultural fandom is the means by which Latin American fans of K-pop develop their fan identity and fans become “cultural emissaries” and enact a fan activism. The ties between Latin America and South Korea comes from historical ties dating back to the 1900s, the increase in Korean migration, and the development of Korean business opportunities and part of cultural diplomacy that also includes the use of various distribution platforms. The digital plays a significant role in K-pop fan activities in Latin America, made unique by the investment in the Korean cultural context of K-pop, adapting “to new cultural practices to recognize and validate themselves as transcultural fans” (2259). Moreover, K-pop occasionally emerges in the mainstream culture and makes use of officially recognized distribution channels and media.
J. Choi. “Loyalty Transmission and Cultural Enlisting of K-pop in Latin America.” K-pop—The International Rise of the Korean Music Industry, edited by J. Choi and R. Maliangkay, Routledge, 2014, pp. 98-115.
Madrid-Morales, D. and B. Lovric. “Transatlantic Connection: K-pop and K-drama Fandom in Spain and Latin America.” Journal of Fandom Studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 2015, pp. 23-41, doi: 10.1386/jfs.3.1.23_1
Otmazgin, N. “Hallyu Across the Desert: K-pop Fandom in Israel and Palestine.” Cross-Currents: East Asian History and Culture Review, vol. 9, 2013, pp. 68-89, https://cross-currents.berkeley.edu/e-journal/issue-9/otmazgin-lyan.
This article examines how the visuals of Korean music videos by BoA, Wonder Girls and Rain play on “racialized notions of sexuality” and “sexualized notions of racial identity.” Visuals that accompany various versions of BoA's music video for “Eat You Up” play into the Dragon Lady stereotype, which gained currency in the 1930s in Hollywood. BoA released three videos for the song: a Korean version that featured two white male dancers, an American version that featured black male dancers, and a third “official” version. Online reactions to the videos reflect racialized perceptions by viewers. Some noted similarities with other hip-hop music videos. Asian American fans were critical of the American version. The visuals in The Wonder Girs’ “Nobody” video allude to the China Doll stereotype. Unlike BoA and The Wonder Girls, Rain’s video for “Rainism” uses provocative images to dispel the stereotype of weak Asian men. American and Asian artists and producers exploit race and sexuality, yet the gender of the artists governs the type of images used in music video.
Chua, Beng Huat. 2004. “Conceptualizing an East Asian Popular Culture.” Inter- Asia Cultural Studies 5.2: 200-221.
Lie, John. 2012. “What Is the K in K-pop? South Korean Popular Music, the Culture Industry, and National Identity.” Korea Observer 43.3: 339-363.
Oh, Ingyu. 2009. “Hallyu: The Rise of Transnational Cultural Consumers in China and Japan.” Korea Observer 40.3: 425-459.
Oh, Ingyu, and Gil-Sung Park. 2012. “From B2C to B2B: Selling Korean Pop Music in the Age of New Social Media.” Korea Observer 43.3: 365-397.
Ryoo, Woongjae. 2009. “Globalization, or the Logic of Cultural Hybridization: The Case of the Korean Wave.” Asian Journal of Communication 19.2: 137-151.
This article challenges approaches to Korean popular music based on cultural hybridity by arguing that the globalization of K-pop involves modifying musical content from Europe and other locations into Korean content and redistributing it to global audiences. In doing to, it occupies a void between Western and East Asian music industries. The establishment of the global music industry destroyed traditional structure of music industries based on physical music (albums, cds) by allowing access to music via the Internet and the demarcation between high and low culture; subcultures become easily accessible. Big Three K-pop producers rely on extended and global networks. K-pop represents a new mode of globalization, which involves exporting Korean music abroad, which has happened due to Korea’s economic rise, immigration of Koreans, participation of Korean and overseas Korean populations in global cultural industries and separate manufacturing and distribution. G-L-G (Global-Local-Global) not tenable if the “L” element is not unique. K-pop’s L element is unique because of the emphasis on numbers in groups, appearance and combination of voice and dance. Other music industries may have single aspects, but only K-pop has all three aspects, which create a unique “L” element. K-pop’s success dependent on a particular historical moment and geographic dynamics, contextualized by shifts in Korean culture, such as lifts on bans and technological advancement, which promotes global fan participation, and a global capitalist economy.
It links Korean music with Confucian Korean culture, a link that was affected by an influx of foreign music styles (Japanese enka, genres from the United States) after 1945. Nevertheless, Korea retained a unique musical aesthetic based on the pentatonic scale and exemplified by the singer Cho Yong-pil. Following the 1970s, a U.S. influence with its diatonic scale began to inform Korean music in response to political and cultural oppression following the liberation of South Korea. This period also witnessed increased popularity of television and music, exemplified by Seo Taiji and Boys, who did not “sound Korean” and introduced dance into their performance. The rise of K-pop is related to the growth of the South Korean economy as an export market as well as the development of technology, especially digitized music and video. This is exemplified by Korean agency CEOs like Lee Soo-man of SM Entertainment. K-pop provided alternatives to American performers, Korean performers of the audiences’ parents’ generation, and J-pop, which did not have global aspirations. The K-pop industry operates like a business driven by profits rather than musical considerations. Music is merely a product to be produced and exported. Because K-pop is a product, it does not retain elements of “traditional Korea” but only exists as a brand.
]]>This article focuses on the source of K-pop’s commercial success and the meaning of that success for South Korean society and culture.
It links Korean music with Confucian Korean culture, a link that was affected by an influx of foreign music styles (Japanese enka, genres from the United States) after 1945. Nevertheless, Korea retained a unique musical aesthetic based on the pentatonic scale and exemplified by the singer Cho Yong-pil. Following the 1970s, a U.S. influence with its diatonic scale began to inform Korean music in response to political and cultural oppression following the liberation of South Korea. This period also witnessed increased popularity of television and music, exemplified by Seo Taiji and Boys, who did not “sound Korean” and introduced dance into their performance. The rise of K-pop is related to the growth of the South Korean economy as an export market as well as the development of technology, especially digitized music and video. This is exemplified by Korean agency CEOs like Lee Soo-man of SM Entertainment. K-pop provided alternatives to American performers, Korean performers of the audiences’ parents’ generation, and J-pop, which did not have global aspirations. The K-pop industry operates like a business driven by profits rather than musical considerations. Music is merely a product to be produced and exported. Because K-pop is a product, it does not retain elements of “traditional Korea” but only exists as a brand.
Korea Observer, 43.3 (2012): 339-363.
The article points to significant events in the introduction of K-pop to Mexico, including its links to the introduction of Japanese culture in 1992 and K-dramas in 1998 and 2002.
Most K-pop information is spread from entertainment conglomerates. Twitter messages tend to be positive and include information about K-pop and K-drama.
]]>This study analyzes the tweets of K-pop fans in Mexico focusing on topics in mentions in retweets. As a social networking service, Twitter is a significant force for information sharing. In doing so, the study fills a void in the scholarship, which focuses on Southeast Asia and Europe. The study uses the keyword “kpop” in the keyword search feature on Twitter to collect messages through Twitter API from users located in Mexico. Location was determined through profile information. NodeXL and UCINet were used for analysis
The article points to significant events in the introduction of K-pop to Mexico, including its links to the introduction of Japanese culture in 1992 and K-dramas in 1998 and 2002.
Most K-pop information is spread from entertainment conglomerates. Twitter messages tend to be positive and include information about K-pop and K-drama.
International Journal of Contents, vol. 10, no. 1, 2014, pp. 36-42, KoreaScience, http://dx.doi.org/10.5392/IJoC.2014.10.1.036.
S. Jung. “K-pop, Indonesian Fandom, and Social Media.” Race and Ethnicity in Fandom, edited by R. Reid and S. Gaston, no. 8, 2011, Transformative Works and Cultures, doi:10.3983/twc.2011.0289.
E.M. Kim and J. Ryoo. “South Korean Culture Goes Global: K-pop and the Korean Wave.” Korean Social Science Journal, vol. 34, no. 1, pp. 117-152, 2007, KOSSREC, http://kossrec.org/board/imgfile/KSSJ%20Vol.34.no.1%28Eun%20Mee%20Kim&Jiwon%20Ryoo%29%29.pdf.
D.B. Sim and K. W. Roh, “YouTube and Girls Generation Fandom.” Journal of Korea Contents Association, vol. 12, vol. 1, 2012, pp. 125-137.
“Border-crossing Korean pop culture” is part of a larger phenomenon describe as “trans-Asia cultural traffic” (Iwabuchi) or “East Asian pop culture” (Chua). Yet previous studies confine Korean pop culture to the Asia region while K-pop is engaged in a globalizing mission.
Rain functions as a case study because he seeks to transform from a star in Asia into a global star. The means by which this could be achieved is the “star manufacturing system,” where Korean entertainment agencies incorporate production and management within the agency, and includes a training system. This system developed in the wake of the 1997 economic crises and shifts in the production in idol groups in the wake of the decline of music show programs. In order to achieve global star status, the article argues that Rain de-emphasized his Asian identity to embrace a global one in terms of marketing.
]]>Using the Korean artist Rain as a case study, the article examines the Korean music industry and its development into “multi-purpose star management” that creates transnational stars by de-emphasizing their national identity. It also examines the reaction by media and fans.
“Border-crossing Korean pop culture” is part of a larger phenomenon describe as “trans-Asia cultural traffic” (Iwabuchi) or “East Asian pop culture” (Chua). Yet previous studies confine Korean pop culture to the Asia region while K-pop is engaged in a globalizing mission.
Rain functions as a case study because he seeks to transform from a star in Asia into a global star. The means by which this could be achieved is the “star manufacturing system,” where Korean entertainment agencies incorporate production and management within the agency, and includes a training system. This system developed in the wake of the 1997 economic crises and shifts in the production in idol groups in the wake of the decline of music show programs. In order to achieve global star status, the article argues that Rain de-emphasized his Asian identity to embrace a global one in terms of marketing.
Howard, Keith. “Exploding Ballads: the Transformation of Korean Pop Music.” Global Goes Local, edited by J. Craig and Richard King, UBC Press, 2002, pp. 80-95.
Lee, Jamie Shin Lee. “Linguistic Hybridization in K-pop: Discourse of Self-Assertion and Resistance.” World Englishes, 2004, vol. 23, no. 3, pp. 429-450.
Lee, Jung-yup. “Contesting Digital Economy and Culture: Digital Technologies and the Transformation of Popular Music in Korea.” Inter-Asia Cultural Studies, 2009, vol. 10, no. 4, pp. 489-506.
Shin, Hyunjoon. “K-pop (music) in the Emerging Cultural Economy of Asian pop.” Journal of Communication Arts, vol. 25, no. 4, 2007, pp. 1-11.
Siriyuvasak, Ubonrat and Shin, Hyunjoon.” “’Asianizing K-pop: Production, Consumption and Identification Patterns among Thai Youth.” Inter-Asia Cultural Studies, vol. 8, no. 1, 2007, pp. 109-136.
While such promotion strategies encourage the female fandom, it has also generated an anti-Hallyu backlash led by Japanese men. Such critiques “see all practices relevant to consumption and distribution of Korean popular culture as anti-Japanese” and “signifies Korea’s potential threat to Japan’s entertainment industry” (7). Like the promotion of K-pop, such critique uses the Internet to spread its views. Female fans also use the Internet to show their perceptions of K-pop groups. SNSD allows young girls to “represent their sexualized desires” through cosplay, cover dancing and the emulation of fashion and hairstyles. At the same time, the Japanese media exhibits a male gaze by objectifying SNSD through its coverage.
]]>This article uses the experience of the female K-pop group Girls’ Generation (SNSD) in Japan as a case study to examine how K-pop represents a different kind of transcultural flows and consumption. It focuses on how the promotion and production strategies of SNSD differ from previous K-pop groups. It explores the “idol” and marketing strategies of Korean agencies in Japan. It reveals the conflicting responses to such strategies by the female fandom and critics of the Korean cultural movement, Hallyu. Within the context of a definition of K-pop limited to “idol” music, K-pop groups such as BoA and TVXQ that achieved a measure of success in Japan prior to SNSD did so by engaging in localization, speaking and singing in Japanese and collaborating with Japanese producers. Conversely, SNSD did not engage in such localization processes: they cannot speak Japanese and spend considerably less time promoting in Japan. K-pop marketing strategies mirror Japanese aidoru (idol) system, with the training of individuals who sing and dance. Korean agencies modeled early Korean idols on Japanese idols, and go further by “adopting globally popular cultural elements form Japan and the US, then repackaging and manufacturing culturally hybridized products. Finally, they resell these repackaged products overseas, sometimes even back to its point of origin” (5). Using the idol management technique of “K-pop traineeship,” SM Entertainment, SNSD’s Korean agency, creates a wide range of images associated with the group and uses online strategies, especially social media such as YouTube, to promote the group. In part, they foster fan participating by encouraging filming at concerts and uploading of fan content. Such promotion is made even more effective by branding by the Big Three Korean agencies.
While such promotion strategies encourage the female fandom, it has also generated an anti-Hallyu backlash led by Japanese men. Such critiques “see all practices relevant to consumption and distribution of Korean popular culture as anti-Japanese” and “signifies Korea’s potential threat to Japan’s entertainment industry” (7). Like the promotion of K-pop, such critique uses the Internet to spread its views. Female fans also use the Internet to show their perceptions of K-pop groups. SNSD allows young girls to “represent their sexualized desires” through cosplay, cover dancing and the emulation of fashion and hairstyles. At the same time, the Japanese media exhibits a male gaze by objectifying SNSD through its coverage.